Shiikh Xasan

Shiikh Xasan ha la Download gareeyo

Inqaasta Yusuf-Garaad

Dhowr maalmood ayuu Xasan Daahir Aweis joogaa magaalada Cadaado. Dowladdu sida ay ka yeesho arrintiisa indhaha ayaa lagu wada hayaa. Ma soo qaban doontaa? Ma xiri doontaa? Maxkamad ma soo taagi doontaa? Ma sii deyn doontaa? Ma dhoofin doontaa? Ma iska indha tiri doontaa? Mise jago ayay u magacaabi doontaa?

Arrntaas waxaa aad u daneynaya dadka ehelkoodii ay Shabaab dishay iyo kuwa nool ee weerarrada Shabaab ku naafoobay.

Waxaa fiirsanaya oo kale kuwa al Shabaab ku maqan oo go’aan ku qaadan doona in ay sidiisa oo kale ay ku dhiirradaan iyo in kale. Xubnaha al Shabaabka ee hadda xabsiyada ku jira laftoodu dowladda wey eegayaan.

Shabaka Soomaaliyeed oo dhan ayaa u dhegataagaya. Waxaa wehliya Dowladaha gobolka ee dhibaatada tooska ah al Shabaab u geystay oo dabcan aan war la’aani hayn, aragti la’aanna aan ahayn.

Haddaba dowladdu maxay samayn doontaa? Maxayse kula tahay in ay sameyso?

Intaa ka sokow, Xasan Daahir Aweis, xogta uu ka hayo al Shabaab ma ahan mid yar. Muxuu ogyahay? Muxuu indhihiisa ku soo arkay? Muxuu maqlay? Maxay la eg tahay tabarta al Shabaab? Yay gacan ka helaan gudaha iyo dibaddaba? Maxay ku dirireen gudahooda? Yaase doonaya in ay sidiisa oo kale ay ka soo baxaan?

Maxaa lagu qalday dhallinyarada noloshoodii qiimaheeda lala ekeysiiyay hal bambaano? Kuwaas oo marar badan noqday qofka keliya ee dhintay markii ay is qarxiyeen. Diyaarse ma u yahay, mise yaqaan si loo delete gareyn karo  farriintaas, si dhallinyaradaas naftooda loogu badbaadiyo umadda Ilaaheeyna ay uga nabad gasho?

Ciidammada ammaanku xogta ay ka helaan wadaadkan waxaa laga yaabaa in ay u suurta geliso in ay mustaqbalka ku fashiliyaan weerarro iyo qaraxyo ay Shabaab damacsanayd. Sidaana lagu badbaadiyo nafta dad maanta nool.

Kooxaha Sirdoonka ee ay ahayd in ay search gareeyaan sirta, Sirtii oo socota ayaa iyaga soo doonatay oo pop up sameysay.

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Xawaaladaha

Sidu Sidii Ma Aha

Inqaasta Yusuf-Garaad

Adeegga xawaaladaha Soomaalidu wuxuu dalka Soomaaliya suurta gal ka dhigay, iyada oo aan baanan iyo hey’ado kale oo maaliyadeed jirin, in ganacsigu socdo lacagna la isu gudbiyo oo aan si weyn loo tebin Banki.

Shaki la’aan xawaaladuhu waxay ka mid yihiin addimmada uu ku taagan yahay dhaqaalaha Soomaaliya. Hadda waxaa soo wajahday khatar iyagana dhaawac u keeni karta, mid ka weyna u keeni karta dhaqaalaha dalka.

Iyaga oo hore dhib ugu qabay Bankiyada Mareykanka ayaa hadda waxaa ugu biiray Barclays Bank oo la sheegay in uu xawaaladaha UK u sheegay in bisha July gudaheeda la joojin doono macaammilka ay Bankigaas la leeyihiin.

Dowladda Soomaaliya waajib ayaa ka saaran in ay u gurmato oo garab iyo gaashaan ay u noqoto xawaaladaha, iyada oo ugu daneyneysa shacabka Soomaaliyeed oo ay ka mid yihiin milkiilayaasha Xawaaladuhu, dhaqaalaha dalka iyo xasilloonida Geeska Afrika.

Madaxweyne Xasan Shiikh intii uu xilka hayay waxa ugu weyn ee uu si dhab ah uu culeyska u saaray waa siyaasadda dibadda, gaar ahaan xiriirka reer Galbeedka. Waa in uu na tusaa waxa ay noo dhashay oo aan ka ahayn in madax waaweyn oo caalamka ahi ay Madaxweynaheenna qaabbishay oo la casheysay.

Madaxweynuhu waa in uu aqoonsiga Mareykanka iyo siyaasadda caabboon ee David Cameron ee ku wajahan Soomaaliya uu uga faa’iideeya sharikadaha dalka iyo weliba shacbka baahida u qaba adeegga xawaaladaha oo wax u beddela ilaa iyo hadda aan haysan.

Shaki haddii ku jiro sharikadaha, Dowladdeennu waa in ay damaanad qaaddo in aan lacagaha xawaaladda loo isticmaali karin si silloon.

Xawaaladaha oo aan ka warqabno in ay faa’iido aad u fara badan ay ka sameeyeen adeeggooda aan maalgelinta culusi iyaga uga bixin, dhankooda waa in ay ka koraan sidii ay ku billowdeen. Waa in ay u xuub siibtaan hey’ado maaliyadeed oo qaan gaar ah. Taa waxaan ula jeedaa in ay noqdaan Bankiyo u hoggaansan shuruucda iyo shuruudaha maaliyadeed ee dalalka ay ka hawlgalaan oo USA iyo UK ay ka mid yihiin.

Waa in ay ogaadaan in uu dhammaaday xilligii Soomaaliya ay go’doonka ahayd. Baankiyada waaweyn ee Geeska Afrika iyo kuwa Caalamka ayaa mar dhow ka hawlgeli doona Soomaaliya.

Waxaan xawaaladaha Soomaaliyeed ee naga shaqeystay noona shaqeeyay, ka fileynaa in aanay suuqa ka bixin oo sidii baraf dhalaalin marka sharikado waaweyni ay dalka yimaadaan.  Waa in ay ka sii tabaabusheystaan oo ay noqdaan kuwo hantidooda ku shirkooba kuna shaqeeya nidaamka sharikadaha caalamka.

Haddaysan iyagu is oggoleyn, ugu yaraan waa in ay wakiillo u noqdaan oo la shirkoobaan Bankiyada iyo sharikadaha kale ee u hanqal taagaya suuqa Soomaaliya oo ay u arkaan in uu yahay mid dihan.

Xawaaladaha Soomaaliyeed ha xusuusteen mukulaal minankeeda joogtaa in ay miciyo libaax leedahay. Sharikad ama Banki kasta oo doonaya in uu Soomaaliy ka hawlgalo kama maarmo macaamiisha, xogta, khibradda iyo galaangalka siyaasadeed ee ay xawaaladuhu ku aflexeen.

Sharikaddii isbeddel diidda, ee isku dayda in ay sideeda ku socoto, waxay halis ugu jirtaa, in iyada oo aan hoos u dhicin, ay haddana ay gaari kari weydo kuwa iyagu la qabsada xaaladda cusub ee saxansaxadeedii durba la dareemi karo.

Eedeyni xal ma keento

Xalku eedeyn kuma yimaado

Inqaasta Yusuf-Garaad 

Waxaa sii badanaya eedeymaha loo jeedinayo siyaasiyiin dhowr ah oo Soomaaliya madax ka soo noqday. Waxaa lagu eedeynayaa in ay hadda u dhaqmayaan si qabiileysan. Eedeymahaas oo saxaafadda bulshada lagu soo bandhigay waxay inta badan ka imaanayaan Muqdisho ama dad ka soo jeeda.

Dadka la eedeynayo waxaa ka mid ah, Cumar Cabdirashiid iyo Cabdiweli Gaas oo labaduba Raiisal Wassare ka soo noqday Soomaaliya iyo Maxamed Cabdi Gandi oo ahaan jiray Wasiirka Difaaca, haddana ah mudane ka tirsan baarlamaanka. Waxaan filayaa in aad garatay in eedeyntaasi ay tahay mid la xiriirta waxa ay siyaasiyiintaasi ka yiraahdeen am ay ka qabteen khilaafka hadda u dhexeeya Dowladda iyo Shirkii Kismaayo lagu soo gebagebeeyay bishii May.

Isla dadka eedeymahan jeedinayaa waxay hore ugu daaleen eedeynta iyo cambaareynta Axmed Maxamed Islaan oo shirkii Kismaayo ka socday uu u doortay Madaxweynaha Jubbaland oo laga wado Jubbada Hoose, Jubbada Dhexe iyo Gedo. Mas’uulka kale waa Madaxweynaha Puntland oo looga soo horjeedo taageerada uu la garab istaagay Jubbaland.

Anigu sadarradan kuma qiimeynayo sax iyo khalad waxa ay sameeyeen mas’uuliyintaasi. Laakiin waxaa ila habboon in inta eedeyneysaa ay aqbalaan in waxa la isku hayaa ay yihiin fikir iyo dano siyaasadeed. Si xal looga gaarana ay marka hore tahay in la is aqbalo qof walbana lagu tixgeliyo mowqifkiisa, iyada oo aan beel dadka lagu riixin. Midda kale oo aqbalaadda u baahan waxay tahay in ninka siyaasiga ahi uu fikir iyo dano labada leeyahay, una madax bannaan yahay in uu ku dhaqaaqo wixii aan xad gudub ku ahayn sharciga dalka iyo kan caalamiga ah.

Haddii ay noqoto in beel lagu riixo, waxay markaas ahaaneysaa inta iyaga beelnimada ku eedeyneysa laftoodu in ay ka soo jeedaan beel kale. Markaasna waxaa la noqoneyaa beelo is haya.

Qormadeydu kuma saabsana in aan qof ama ka badan ama xataa qabiil aan daafaco. Waxaan uga dan leeyahay in la dhimo eedeynta dadka kala fogeynaysa. Waxaa habboon in laga hadlo waxa la isku hayo iyo sida xal looga gaari karo. Cidda ay mas’uuliyadda xal raadintu ay saran tahayna, gacan lagu siiyo hawshaas culus muhiimkana u ah Soomaali oo dhan.

Recommendations to solving Kismayo crisis

Somali MPs make public their findings

Forwarded by Yusuf-Garaad

Earlier on Friday I attended at the Intercontinental in Nairobi a presentation by two members of the Somali Parliamentary team who recently came back from a missions that took over two weeks to the politically contested Somali port town of Kismayo. The presentation was led by MP Abdi Hosh and complimented by Mohamud Guure. MP Hussein Arab Isse, Head of Parliamentary Committee on Defence, has accompanied them in their presentation. MP Abdullahi Godah was moderating the presentation, which was followed by a Question and Answer session. The event was well attended by mainly foreign diplomats and representatives of International Institutions. Also present was a small group of interested Somali individuals many among them from the diaspora. Somali media was well represented. I am happy to share with my readers the entire presentation, which I am honoured to have received a copy from an official source.

It covers the findings of the team of MPs and recommendations they have made to the Federal Government of Somalia, the African Union and to the rest of the International Community.

Comments on the document, particularly on the recommendations are most welcome.

Findings and Recommendations of the Dialogue and Reconciliation Committee: Presentation to the International Community Nairobi, Kenya, June 14, 2013

BACKGROUND:

On May 15, 2013, a government appointed delegation composed of members of parliament and cabinet hereinafter referred to as the Dialogue and Reconciliation Committee (DRC) made an official trip to Kismayo, the capital of the Lower Jubba region. Among the mandates of the delegation were to:

1.            To liaise with the Kismayo organizers of the Jubba conference and start dialogue on how to turn the conference into a regional reconciliation conference and make the process compliant with the Provisional Constitution;

2.            To conduct public consultations with the local communities and solicit their input on possible durable solutions;

3.            To review the status of the Somali National Army in Kismayo and assess its needs in order to professionalize it;

4.            To liaise with AMISOM (KDF) and assess its operational protocols as outlined in the MOU between AMISOM and the Somali government;

5.            To make oral representations to the IGAD fact-finding mission of the 17th and 18th of May, 2013 on the government policy position visa-vis the formation of regional administrations in the region and the federating process;

6.            To provide access to the local community leaders and elders so that they could make personal representation to IGAD mission in Kismayo;

7.            To provide a written report and a policy option to the President and the Prime minister.

Activities of the Dialogue and Reconciliation Committee (DRC) during and after the IGAD mission presence in Kismayo.

1.            The DRC made wide public consultations with the local community and traditional leaders and also facilitated their access to IGAD so they could make representations to IGAD;

2.            After it became apparent that the oragnizers of the Kisamyo conference made a hasty and ill-timed decision when they announced a presidency for ‘Jubbaland’, the DRC continued dialoging with the Rask Kamboni leadership on keeping the peace in the city until a peaceful political settlement is reached.

3.            The DRC made oral presentations to the IGAD mission to the effect that: 
a) The process to be aligned with the Provisional constitution;
b) The process to be lead by the Federal Government;
c) The process to be preceded by a genuine regional reconciliation; d) The momentum should not be lost on the concerted efforts to 
defeat Al-Shabab.

4.            The DRC conducted periodic meetings with the AMISOM leadership in Kismayo and found that there is communication gab within AMISOM command and also between AMISOM (Kismayo) and the Somali government.

The Somali Government’s legal and Constitutional opinion on the Federation Process and its stand on the ‘Jubbaland” issue as presented to the IGAD fact finding mission in Kismayo.

         ·  In August 2004, the delegates of the national reconciliation conference in Embgathi adopted a transitional federal charter that charted a political process which will inform the transitional process. Among other items, the Transitional Federal Charter called for the completion of the federal constitution that shall act as a binding document between citizens, regions and the state.

         ·  At the time, it was believed that the constitution will be drafted and completed within two years and half period; however, through a culmination of unforeseen circumstances and political failures on the part of the successive governments, the process of completing the constitution took more than eight years.

         ·  On august 1st 2012, the Provisional Federal Constitution was adopted in Mogadishu and for the first time since 1969 a government based on a constitutional foundation was formed. Although the constitution serves many purposes, it is also a symbolic document that provides a platform for political discourse and resolution of conflicts.

         ·  For the purposes of the Jubba land issue, the constitution is explicitly clear on how the federation process will be undertaken within a constitutional framework as

  

provided for in article 49(1) and also article 111E. The principles laid down in these two articles are as follows:

o The number and boundaries of the federal member states will be determined by the parliament on the recommendation of the Boundaries and Federations Commission, which is an independent Constitutional body.

o The Commission when making its determination on member states and boundaries will take into account demographic and cartographic information as well as political, economic and social criteria and recommend to the federal parliament the demarcation of bounders of federal member states.

o Moreover, member state boundaries will be based on the boundaries of the administrative regions as they existed before 1991, and the act of federation shall be a voluntary decision between two or more regions that may merge to form a federal member state.

         ·  From the preceding principles mentioned above and laid out in the constitution, it is clear that for the purposes of the process of federation or for any other matter within the constitution, the constitution does not recognize clans but rather only recognizes individual citizens and political and administrative regions.

         ·  By basing the future federated units on the pre-1991 administrative regions, the constitution presupposes that administrative regions will be formed that will voluntarily make a decision to merge with other regional administrations, and presumably through the voice of some form of an assembly that is representative and inclusive. Once the regional administrations through their assemblies make it publicly known their intention to federate with other units, they will jointly submit an application for a determination of their eligibility to federate pursuant to the principles laid down in the constitution.

         ·  If the Boundaries and Federation Commission finds a determination that the applicant fits the criteria of the federation as laid down in the constitution then it will send a recommendation to parliament which after deliberations will make a final decision.

         ·  The organizers of the Jubba Conference have not followed the constitutional requirements agreed upon under the constitution as the delegates in this conference were not delegates representing distinct regional administrations since no single administration has been formed in these regions. The argument of the conference organizers is that all clans and communities residing in the region have come together to federate those regions. Unfortunately, the constitution as pointed out above does not recognize clans and it has set down an elaborate process of federating the country through a proper and constitutional means, with the Federal Parliament having the final say.

         ·  As it stands, there are other groups claiming to form a federated unit encompassing six regions, which include the Jubbas, and Bay, Bakool and Gedo,

essentially making a claim on the same region that the Jubba land organizers are laying claim to.

         ·  Additionally, the Federal government has made it clear repeatedly to Galmudug for over two years that it is not a Federal unit as it has not satisfied the criteria and procedure for membership.

         ·  The wisdom behind article 49 and article 111E and the whole idea of creating a Boundaries and Federation Commission was to avert this kind of confusion whereby clans, militias and other political groups create a dispute and conflict on overlapping territories and regions. 
The Constitution is at this moment by far the only binding document we have, notwithstanding its limitations. It is thus incumbent on all parties to conduct their political discourses, grievances and agendas within the framework of this document. Otherwise, we will be boxed into a slippery slope whereby every group including parliament, the judiciary and the executive will treat the Constitution as a mere nuisance and we will revert into a new posture of anarchy and civil strife. 
The IGAD Communique of May 24, 2013 
On May 24, 2013, IGAD issued its Communique based on its findings on its fact finding mission and declared the following principles going forward on the Jubba issue:

1.                  That all parties adhere to the 5 principles laid down in the 21st Extra ordinary meeting of IGAD dated May 3, 2013 which are anchored on the following principles:

       §  Leadership of the government of the Federal Republic of Somalia in the process;

       §  Respect of the provisional constitution of the Federal Republic of Somalia;

       §  All inclusive consultative process with the peoples of Somalia;

       §  Supportive role of IGAD based on the priorities of the Somali 
government; and

       §  Fighting the Al Shabab as the primary focus of the Somali Federal 
government; AMISOM; regional and international partners;

2.                  That the Federal government lead the process and convene a regional reconciliation conference as soon as practicable.

3.                  That regional administration building efforts be in line with the provisional Constitution.

         Recommendations. 
To the Somali government 
The DRC recommended to the government to:

  

1.            Urgently re-open channels of communication with all relevant stakeholders of the Jubba.

2.            Convene a regional Jubba reconciliation conference in Mogadishu as soon as practicable, with a view to chart a mini Road Map on the establishment of an interim administration and formation of permanent regional administrations in accordance with the constitution.

3.            The government when convening the reconciliation conference shall ensure that the process is transparent, inclusive and representative of all stakeholder communities of the region.

4.            The government shall complete and table in parliament relevant legislations in order to stand up the Boundaries and Federations Commission mandated under the constitution.

5.            The government shall embark on a trust and confidence building measures aimed at assuring all stakeholder communities of the government’s bona fide intentions.

6.            That the government invite UNSOM, AU, AMISOM, IGAD and other international partners to play an active supportive role in the proposed reconciliation conference.

7.            The government shall integrate the various militia forces into a unified national command of the Somali national army as called for by the IGAD Communique of May 24, 2013.

8.            That the government shall refocus its efforts and continue the momentum in defeating Alshabab and liberating the whole jubba region in conjunction with AMISOM forces.

To the African Union

The DRC recommends to the African Union to:

1. Review the Mission of AMISOM and ensure that all sector two leadership in Kismayo adhere to the terms of agreement contained in the 2007 MOU between the Somali government and AMISOM, and also to improve the communications protocols between AMISOM (Kismayo) and the Somali government.

To the International Community

The DRC recommends to the International Community to:

1. Respect the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and unity of Somalia as enunciated in Resolution 2102 (2013) and adopted by the United Nations Security Council at its 6959th meeting on May second, 2013.

1.            Financially, technically and politically support the Somali government in its efforts in building local administrations in the newly liberated areas in line with the Federal Somali Provisional Constitution and also consistent with the IGAD Communique of May 24, 2013.

2.            There are report indicating that African Union peacekeepers that control the port city of Kismayo have allowed ships carrying charcoal to leave, violating a UN Security Council resolution 2036, a presidential order and

Somalia’s Laws. Futher, there are other reports to the effect that Somalia’s charcoal exports, which never came to a complete halt, continue to benefit Al-Shabab an estimated US$ 100,000 per day even after they were forced out of Kismayo in September 2012. Today, an estimated 10 Million sacks of charcoal are piled up waiting for export from Kismayo port to Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Eritrea and Kenya.

The International community should help the Somali Government in its effort to put to halt Charcoal exports from Kismayo by tying their support of AU Mission in Somalia and AMISOM’s cooperation in supporting UNSC resolution 2036 regarding charcoal export from Somalia.